sacrosanct

　

PrepTutorEJDIC

1. 《しばしば皮肉に》神聖にして犯すべからざる

Wikipedia preview

出典(authority):フリー百科事典『ウィキペディア（Wikipedia）』「2016/05/25 03:09:20」(JST)

wiki en

[Wiki en表示]

In ancient Rome, Sacrosanctity was the declaration of physical inviolability of a temple, a sacred object or a person through the Lex Sacrata (fr) (sacred law), which had religious connotations. Festus explained that: "Sacred laws are laws which have the sanction that anyone who broke them becomes accursed to one of the gods, together with his family and property". It is thought that in some cases the law was applied to protect temples from being defiled. It could also be applied to protect a person who was declared sacrosanct (inviolable). Those who harmed a sacrosanct person became sacer (accursed) through the declaration sacer esto! (Let him be accursed). The offender was considered as having harmed the gods/a god, as well as the sacrosanct person and therefore accursed to the gods/a god. This meant that the offender became forfeit to the god(s) and on his death he was surrendered to the god(s) in question. The implication was that anyone who killed him was considered as performing a sacred duty and enjoyed impunity.

In the literature by Roman historians, the term sacrosanctity is usually found in relation to the Tribune of the Plebs, or plebeian tribune.

History

During the rebellion of the first plebeian secession, which marked the beginning of the Conflict of the Orders between patricians (the aristocrats) and plebeians (the commoners), the plebeian movement instituted and elected its leaders, who soon also came to act as the representatives of the plebs: the plebeian tribunes. It also instituted the assistants of these tribunes (the plebeian aediles) and its own assembly, the Plebeian Council (Concilium Plebis). These plebeian institutions were extra-legal in that they were not recognised by the senate and the Roman state, which were controlled by the patricians. The bones of contention in the Conflict of the Orders were the economic grievances of the poor, the protection of plebeians and, later, power-sharing with the patricians (who monopolised political power) with the rich plebeians. The patricians resisted the plebeian movement and its demands because the interests of the plebeians most often clashed with theirs and they saw this movement as a threat to their political and economic privileges.

The first plebeian secession was spontaneous and was the result of the exasperation of the plebeians with the refusal of the senate to address their demands. They lost faith in the Roman state. After the rebellion the disaffected plebeians effectively created a "state within the state." Livy said that "Two states were created out of one; each faction had its own magistrates [officials]; its own laws." The plebeians turned the Aventine Hill into their stronghold and their own jurisdiction in contraposition to the Roman state. The Plebeian Council, under the leadership of the plebeian tribunes, who presided over its sessions, voted on and issued its own laws which applied to this hill and to the plebeians. The patricians did not recognise these plebeian resolutions as laws because they refused to recognise the plebeian movement. Moreover, formally, legislation was supposed to be proposed by the consuls (the two annually elected heads of the Republic) and put to the vote of the Comitia Centuriata, the Assembly of the Soldiers (see Centuriate Assembly)

Given the extra-legal character of the plebeian institutions, the plebeians found a way to give power to the plebeian tribunes by using the lex sacrata and declaring the person of a plebeian tribune sacrosanct. The lex sacrata was a collective resolution sanctioned by a collective oath. It was found among other Italic people as a military arrangement whereby, at times of military emergency, the compulsorily levied soldiers swore to follow their commanders to the death. The plebeians swore to obey the plebeian tribunes they elected and to defend them to the death. Those who harmed them became sacer. Effectively this was a "lynch-law disguised as divine justice." Given that the plebeian tribunes were not part of the Roman state and had no secular legal status, the threat to kill those who harmed them by the plebeians formed the base from which the powers of the plebeian tribunes were derived. The invocation of a religious law provided the justification and sacrosanctity conferred impunity. These tribunes provided protection from arbitrary coercion by public officials though auxilium (assistance) by personal intervention to stop the action. They also could use coercitio, the enforcement of their will by coercion through which they could impose fines, imprisonment or the death penalty on anyone who challenged them of abused them verbally or assaulted them. Later, as the Conflict of the Orders was resolved, the sacrosanct character of the plebeian tribunes or, as they also came to be known, Tribunes of the Plebs was accepted by the patricians and implemented into Roman law.

References

Bibliography

• Altheim, F. (1940) Lex Sacrata, Amsterdam
• Coarelli, F. (1983) Foro Romano I: Periodo archaico, Rome
• Cornell, T. J. (1995) The Beginnings of Rome, Routledge, Oxford
• De Martino, F., Diritto e societa nell' antica Roma, Rome
• Festus, de Verborum Significatione Quae Supersunt Cum Pauli Epitome
• Ogilvie, R.M. (1995) A Commentary on Livy, Clarendon Press, Oxford
• Lintott, A. (1999) The Constitution of the Roman Republic. Oxford University Press
• Livy, ab Urbe Condita

English Journal

• Myelodysplastic syndromes in children: where are we today?

• Rau AT, Shreedhara AK, Kumar S.SourceDepartment of Pediatrics and Department of Pathology, M. S. Ramaiah Medical College, Bangalore, India.
• The Ochsner journal.Ochsner J.2012 Fall;12(3):216-20.
• Myelodysplastic syndromes (MDSs) and other myeloproliferative disorders (MPDs) are rare entities, particularly in children. The latest classification of MPDs separates them into 3 major groups: MDS, juvenile myelomonocytic leukemia, and Down syndrome-associated myeloid leukemia.Although the blast co
• PMID 23049458

• Resistance to the mainlandization of criminal justice practices: a barrier to the development of restorative justice in Hong Kong.

• Lo TW.SourceCity University of Hong Kong, China. sstwl@cityu.edu.hk
• International journal of offender therapy and comparative criminology.Int J Offender Ther Comp Criminol.2012 Jun;56(4):627-45. doi: 10.1177/0306624X11405481. Epub 2011 Apr 13.
• This article examines the political and legal barriers to introducing restorative justice (RJ) in Hong Kong. It argues that the processes involved in RJ may be in conflict with the rule of law, which is regarded by the citizens of Hong Kong as sacrosanct in their resistance to the "mainlandization"
• PMID 21490000

• [Epidemiological imaginary in Campania Region].

• Greco P.AbstractThe interviews on the epidemiological imaginary, collected within the framework of the project Sebiorec,(1) clearly demonstrate that also in Campania, on the border between the provinces of Naples and Caserta - where the issue of waste and land devastation take forms that are unprecedented compared to any other part of Europe - there is a widespread, strong, sacrosanct demand of participation in environment and health management. The request of deliberative ecological democracy is pressing.(2) There is an urgent need to meet that plethora of rights emerging in the "knowledge society" and in the "risk society" that someone has called "rights for scientific citizenship."(3) This request of the population of Campania, net of local cultural specificity, it is quite similar to that of the people of any other region of Europe. The context in which this request of participation is expressed, however, is quite different. Not only and not just for that real or perceived social pre-modern and familist web that would replace a modern civil society in Campania and all across the Southern Italian regions, but also and especially for some structural causes that we here try to list. Campania is a unique region in Europe - in many ways different even from other regions of southern Italy - due to the conjunction of at least five factors, not independent from each other. 1) The presence of a widespread organized crime which, in many areas, metropolitan and non-metropolitan alike, and especially in the provinces of Naples and Caserta, is a sort of state against the State and has one of its main levers of power and a major source of its wealth in the illegal control of the territory, in its different dimensions (military, but also economic, social and even cultural). 2) A huge social and economic disintegration, exacerbated in the last twenty years by a process of deindustrialization (until the early nineties Naples was the fifth industrial city of Italy, today it is a desert where few productive oases survive) that has had few parallels in Europe and that, unlike other areas of the Old Continent, where the old manufacturing industries were closed, has not seen any serious plan to realize policy renewal and a reconstruction of its economy. 3) A huge population density, which makes at least part of the Campania region - particularly in the area straddling the provinces of Naples and Caserta - one single "in-finite" city, an "in-complete" megalopolis in which there is no solution of continuity between the rural and urban realities; in which cities, towns and countryside are piled up without order - without any order, because in the past, even in the recent past, that order somehow existed; houses, warehouses, roads and farmland, cement, fields, unauthorized dumping sites and again cement, in a state of chaos and, often, of deterioration that is, once again, almost unique in Europe. 4) The contemporary presence of two large migration flows, one incoming (usually non-EU), the other outgoing (with a very high number of migrant graduates), are interwoven in a way chaotic to further contributing to tear the already tattered social fabric. 5) Last but not least, the authoritative answer of the State that, in its various forms, now explicitly (through laws and decrees) now implicitly (through activities or omissions of bureaucracies) effectively inhibits at all levels the demand of participation, of transparency and even of simple information. The authoritarianism of the State and its bureaucracies was recently only scratched by the evolution of the local and national political events.
• Epidemiologia e prevenzione.Epidemiol Prev.2012 Jan;36(1):49-55.
• The interviews on the epidemiological imaginary, collected within the framework of the project Sebiorec,(1) clearly demonstrate that also in Campania, on the border between the provinces of Naples and Caserta - where the issue of waste and land devastation take forms that are unprecedented compared
• PMID 22418803

Japanese Journal

• 逆流する愛と聖父のジェンダー : 『緋文字』にアメリカン・ウェイを読む

• 佐々木 英哲
• 桃山学院大学人間科学 22, 1-16, 2001-12-10
• … (For example, Winthrop the first Governor was compared to Moses and Nehemiah, and Cotton the minister was compared to Abraham, Joshuah, and John.) By actually living with minister Dimmesdale on the pretext of treating his psychosomatic condition, Chillingworth creates the sacrosanct family, insinuates domestic ideology, behaves within Dimmesdale's psyche as a sacred father, or punishing super-ego, and thus preys on Dimmesdale with the Oedipal sense of guilt. …
• NAID 110004698154

Related Links

• Sacrosanct | Define Sacrosanct at Dictionary.com

extremely sacred or inviolable: a sacrosanct chamber in the temple. 2. not to be entered or trespassed upon: She considered her home office sacrosanct. 3. above or beyond criticism, change, or interference: a manuscript deemed sacrosanct.

• Sacrosanct - Merriam-Webster Online

treated as if holy : immune from criticism or violation <politically sacrosanct programs>. — sac·ro·sanc·ti·ty \ˌsa-krō-ˈsaŋ(k)-tə-tē\ noun. See sacrosanct defined for English-language learners ». See sacrosanct defined for kids » ...

Related Pictures