関: lexical、vocabulary

WordNet

a language users knowledge of words (同)lexicon, mental lexicon
a listing of the words used in some enterprise
the system of techniques or symbols serving as a means of expression (as in arts or crafts); "he introduced a wide vocabulary of techniques"
of or relating to words; "lexical decision task"
of or relating to dictionaries

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辞書(特にギリシア語・ヘブライ語・ラテン語などの古典語辞典)　(特定分野の)語彙用語集　語彙目録
〈C〉(特定の人・グループ・分野で用いられるすべての)『語彙』,用語 / 〈C〉(アルファベット順に並べて語義や訳を付けた)語彙集,単語表(集) / 〈U〉(一言語の)全語彙
単語の・語いの / 閑書の

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出典(authority):フリー百科事典『ウィキペディア（Wikipedia）』「2014/07/07 18:25:20」(JST)

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Formally, in linguistics, a lexicon is a language's inventory of lexemes. The word "lexicon" derives from the Greek λεξικόν (lexicon), neuter of λεξικός (lexikos) meaning "of or for words".^[1]

Linguistic theories generally regard human languages as consisting of two parts: a lexicon, essentially a catalogue of a language's words (its wordstock); and a grammar, a system of rules which allow for the combination of those words into meaningful sentences. The lexicon is also thought to include bound morphemes, which cannot stand alone as words (such as most affixes). In some analyses, compound words and certain classes of idiomatic expressions and other collocations are also considered to be part of the lexicon. Dictionaries represent attempts at listing, in alphabetical order, the lexicon of a given language; usually, however, bound morphemes are not included.

Size and organization

Items in the lexicon are called lexemes or word forms. Lexemes are not atomic elements but contain both phonological and morphological components. When describing the lexicon a reductionist approach is used, trying to remain general while using a minimal description. To describe the size of a lexicon, lexemes are grouped into lemmas. A lemma is a group of lexemes generated by inflectional morphology. Lemmas are represented in dictionaries by headwords which list the citation forms and any irregular forms, since these must be learned to use the words correctly. Lexemes derived from a word by derivation morphology are considered new lemmas. The lexicon is also organized according to open and closed categories. Closed categories, such as determiners or pronouns, are rarely given new lexemes; their function is primarily syntactic. Open categories, such as nouns and verbs, have highly active generation mechanisms and their lexemes are more semantic in nature.

Lexicalization and other mechanisms in the lexicon

A central role of the lexicon is the documenting of established lexical norms and conventions. Lexicalization is the process where new words, having gained into widespread usage, enter in the lexicon. Since lexicalization^[2] may modify lexeme phonologically and morphologically it is possible, that a single etymological source may be borrowed in two or more forms into a single lexicon. These pairs are called doublet are often close semantically. Two examples are aptitude versus attitude and employ versus imply.^[3]

The mechanisms, not mutually exclusive, are:^[4]

Innovation,^[5] the planned creation of new roots (often on a large-scale), such as slang, branding.
Borrowing of foreign words.
Compounding (composition), the combination of lexemes to make a single word.
Abbreviation of compounds.
Acronyms, the reduction of compounds to their initial letters, such as NASA and laser (from "LASER").
Inflection, a morphology change with a category, such as number or tense.
Derivation, a morphological change resulting in a change of category.
Agglutination, the compounding of morphemes into a single word.

In complex words, constituents may be dropped.^{[clarification needed]}

Besides word formation, there are also mechanisms of lexeme change:

Lexical replacement, the replacement of a lexeme or its sense.
Sound change, a change such as a consonant or vowel shift localised to specific words or phonotactical combinations.
Blocking the creation of new words while existing lexical conventions are maintained.
Obsolescence of vocabulary; much slang, for example, typically has short lifespans.

New words

Neologisms are new lexeme candidates which, if they gain wide usage over time, become part of a language's lexicon. Neologisms are often introduced by children in a type of kid slip.^[6] Another common source is slang and activities such as advertising and branding.

Loan words

Most innovations to a lexicon are either loan words introduced by bilingual speakers during language contact or compound words created from existing morphemes. Once a neologism or a compound is introduced to a language, then, if successful, it will often diffuse across geographical boundaries.

Role of morphology

Another mechanism involves generative devices that combine morphemes according to a language's rules. For example, the suffix "-able" is usually only added to transitive verbs, as in "read-able" but not "cry-able".

Compounding

A compound word is a lexeme composed of several pre-existing morphemes. Because a compound word is composed of established lexeme they are usually easier to acquire than loan words or neologisms. Their meaning is usually just a sum of their constituent parts. The meaning of "armed and dangerous", for example, derives from the sum of its parts, while "armed to the teeth" involves metaphor.

Compound words that are not the semantical sum of their constituents can be interpreted through analogy, common sense and context.^[2] Compound words have simple morphological structures, where no more than one element usually requires inflection for agreement. On the other hand, they are subject to the rules of syntax and can contain gaps to hold other lexemes on which they operate. For instance:

"another nail in" something/someone → "another nail in" "the company's" "coffin"
"bring" something "to" someone's "attention" → "bring" "a problem" "to" "your" "attention"

Once new compounds are successfully established in one language they will often cross geographical boundaries:

"house"–"wife", becoming housewife.
város–háza ("city"–"hall" in Hungarian) becoming városháza.
rot–Licht ("red"–"light" in German) becoming rotlicht.

Compounding tends to produce longer lexemes which may result in lexemes of unwieldy proportion. This is compensated by mechanisms that reduce the length of words.

Diachronic mechanisms

Comparative historical linguistics studies the evolutions languages and takes a diachronic view of the lexicon. The evolution of lexicons in different languages occurs through parallel mechanisms. Over time historical forces work to ^[7] shape the lexicon, making it simpler to acquire and often creating an illusion of great regularity in language.

Phonological assimilation, the modification of loanwords to fit a new language's sound structure more effectively. If, however, a loanword sounds too "foreign", inflection or derivation rules may not be able to transform it.
Analogy, where new words undergo inflection and derivation analogous to that of words with a similar sound structure.
Emphasis, the modification of words' stress and/or accenting.
Metaphor, a form of semantic extension.

Second-language lexicon

The term lexicon is generally used in the context of single language. Therefore, multi-lingual speakers are generally thought to have multiple lexicons. Speakers of language variants (Brazilian Portuguese and European Portuguese, for example) may be considered to possess a single lexicon. Thus a cash dispenser (British English) as well as an automatic teller machine or ATM in American English would be understood by both American and British speakers, despite each group using different dialects.

When linguists study a lexicon, they consider such things as what constitutes a word; the word/concept relationship; lexical access and lexical access failure; how a word's phonology, syntax, and meaning intersect; the morphology-word relationship; vocabulary structure within a given language; language use (pragmatics); language acquisition; the history and evolution of words (etymology); and the relationships between words, often studied within philosophy of language.

Various models of how lexicons are organized and how words are retrieved have been proposed in psycholinguistics, neurolinguistics and computational linguistics.

References

^ λεξικός in Henry George Liddell, Robert Scott, A Greek-English Lexicon (Perseus Digital Library). Sc. βιβλίον "book").
^ ^a ^b Geert, Booij (2005). The grammar of words : an introduction to linguistic morphology. Oxford textbooks in linguistics. Oxford University Press. ISBN 0-19-928042-8.
^ Skeat, Walter (2010-04-17). A Concise Etymological Dictionary of the English Language. Forgotten Books. p. 648. ISBN 978-1-4400-5722-9.
^ Ornan, Uzzi (2003). The Final Word — Mechanism For Hebrew Word Generation (in Hebrew). Haifa: Haifa University Press.
^ Metcalf, Allan (2002). Predicting New Words — The Secrets of Their Success. Boston: Houghton Mifflin Company. ISBN 0-618-13006-3.
^ Jaeger, Jeri J. (2005). Kid's slips: what young children's slips of the tongue reveal about language development. Psychology Press. ISBN 978-0-8058-3579-3. Retrieved 8 April 2012.
^ Deutscher, Guy (May 19, 2005). The Unfolding of Language: An Evolutionary Tour of Mankind's Greatest Invention. Metropolitan Books.

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English Journal

How does emotional content affect lexical processing?

Vinson D1, Ponari M, Vigliocco G.Author information 1a Department of Cognitive, Perceptual & Brain Sciences , University College London , London , UK.AbstractEven single words in isolation can evoke emotional reactions, but the mechanisms by which emotion is involved in automatic lexical processing are unclear. Previous studies using extremely similar materials and methods have yielded apparently incompatible patterns of results. In much previous work, however, words' emotional content is entangled with other non-emotional characteristics such as frequency of occurrence, familiarity and age of acquisition, all of which have potential consequences for lexical processing themselves. In the present study, the authors compare different models of emotion using the British Lexicon Project, a large-scale freely available lexical decision database. After controlling for the potentially confounding effects of non-emotional variables, a variety of statistical approaches revealed that emotional words, whether positive or negative, are processed faster than neutral words. This effect appears to be categorical rather than graded; is not modulated by emotional arousal; and is not limited to words explicitly referring to emotions. The authors suggest that emotional connotations facilitate processing due to the grounding of words' meanings in emotional experience.
Cognition & emotion.Cogn Emot.2014 Jun;28(4):737-46. doi: 10.1080/02699931.2013.851068. Epub 2013 Nov 12.
Even single words in isolation can evoke emotional reactions, but the mechanisms by which emotion is involved in automatic lexical processing are unclear. Previous studies using extremely similar materials and methods have yielded apparently incompatible patterns of results. In much previous work, h
PMID 24215294

How lexical is the lexicon? Evidence for integrated auditory memory representations.

Pufahl A1, Samuel AG2.Author information 1Department of Psychology, Stony Brook University, 100 Nicholls Road, Stony Brook, NY 11794-2500, USA. Electronic address: april.pufahl@stonybrook.edu.2Department of Psychology, Stony Brook University, 100 Nicholls Road, Stony Brook, NY 11794-2500, USA; IKERBASQUE Basque Foundation for Science, Alameda Urquijo, 36-5, Plaza Bizkaia, 48011 Bilbao, Bizkaia, Spain; Basque Center on Cognition Brain and Language, Paseo Mikeletegi 69, 2nd Floor, 20009 Donostia-San Sebastián, Gipuzkoa, Spain. Electronic address: arthur.samuel@stonybrook.edu.AbstractPrevious research has shown that lexical representations must include not only linguistic information (what word was said), but also indexical information (how it was said, and by whom). The present work demonstrates that even this expansion is not sufficient. Seemingly irrelevant information, such as an unattended background sound, is retained in memory and can facilitate subsequent speech perception. We presented participants with spoken words paired with environmental sounds (e.g., a phone ringing), and had them make an "animate/inanimate" decision for each word. Later performance identifying filtered versions of the words was impaired to a similar degree if the voice changed or if the environmental sound changed. Moreover, when quite dissimilar words were used at exposure and test, we observed the same result when we reversed the roles of the words and the environmental sounds. The experiments also demonstrated limits to these effects, with no benefit from repetition. Theoretically, our results support two alternative possibilities: (1) Lexical representations are memory representations, and are not walled off from those for other sounds. Indexical effects reflect simply one type of co-occurrence that is incorporated into such representations. (2) The existing literature on indexical effects does not actually bear on lexical representations - voice changes, like environmental sounds heard with a word, produce implicit memory effects that are not tied to the lexicon. We discuss the evidence and implications of these two theoretical alternatives.
Cognitive psychology.Cogn Psychol.2014 May;70:1-30. doi: 10.1016/j.cogpsych.2014.01.001. Epub 2014 Jan 27.
Previous research has shown that lexical representations must include not only linguistic information (what word was said), but also indexical information (how it was said, and by whom). The present work demonstrates that even this expansion is not sufficient. Seemingly irrelevant information, such
PMID 24480453

Infants use known verbs to learn novel nouns: Evidence from 15- and 19-month-olds.

Ferguson B1, Graf E2, Waxman SR3.Author information 1Northwestern University, Department of Psychology, USA. Electronic address: brock@u.northwestern.edu.2University of Chicago Medicine, Department of Surgery, Division of Otolaryngology, USA. Electronic address: eileengraf@uchicago.edu.3Northwestern University, Department of Psychology, USA. Electronic address: s-waxman@northwestern.edu.AbstractFluent speakers' representations of verbs include semantic knowledge about the nouns that can serve as their arguments. These "selectional restrictions" of a verb can in principle be recruited to learn the meaning of a novel noun. For example, the sentence He ate the carambola licenses the inference that carambola refers to something edible. We ask whether 15- and 19-month-old infants can recruit their nascent verb lexicon to identify the referents of novel nouns that appear as the verbs' subjects. We compared infants' interpretation of a novel noun (e.g., the dax) in two conditions: one in which dax is presented as the subject of animate-selecting construction (e.g., The dax is crying), and the other in which dax is the subject of an animacy-neutral construction (e.g., The dax is right here). Results indicate that by 19months, infants use their representations of known verbs to inform the meaning of a novel noun that appears as its argument.
Cognition.Cognition.2014 Apr;131(1):139-46. doi: 10.1016/j.cognition.2013.12.014. Epub 2014 Jan 23.
Fluent speakers' representations of verbs include semantic knowledge about the nouns that can serve as their arguments. These "selectional restrictions" of a verb can in principle be recruited to learn the meaning of a novel noun. For example, the sentence He ate the carambola licenses the inference
PMID 24463934